No, that's just how you insist on isolating to create something that isn't.
You haven't read nor evidenced any understanding of the holdings relating to interstate commerce, the institutionalized tyranny and its impact of the notion you're advancing. Instead, you myopically beat at a drum as though it was an island of consideration.
TH: My concern is not about what consequences would follow if policies x-z were enacted. I pretty much
never address topics in this way. You have, I am sure, seen me debate healthcare reform. You have seen me debate the minimum wage. And so forth.
For me, the question is not what consequences will follow if the State issues x law. The question is whether or not x law exemplifies y principle of justice/fairness/right. Is law
x fair/just/right in itself?
It is possible, of course, to obtain an apparently "good" result by the use of evil means. The atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki is just such an example. It is wrong
in itself to slaughter lots of innocent people.
Even if that means saving the lives of lots more innocent people.
What is a difficult question for you is not a difficult question for me. You insist on looking at history and the results of legal policy. For me, that is a non-issue. For me, the issue remains at the
conceptual/philosophical level:
Does the State have a natural limit to its authority over and against the rights of the individual? If so, what are they?
And the answer, again, seems obvious: the State does indeed, by its very nature, have very definite limits. The State has authority to obtain the
bonum commune (the common good).
In order for us even to say that the State has the authority to obtain the
common good, we already must admit that there's such a thing as the
private good. There is the good of the multitude on the one hand, and the good of the individual on the other hand. This good of the multitude, the common good, lies chiefly in 1. the maintaining of civil peace (generally expressed in matters of criminal law), 2. public works and 3. the regulation of social exchange (civil law).
With this schema, it is easy to justify things like a minimum wage, taxation (the moment you start talking about money, you're already in the domain of social exchange), etc. These all fall under something like civil law. Presumably, you wish to say that, under this notion of the regulation of social exchange (civil law), something like civil rights legislation can be justified.
I don't think that this is the case. If it can be, then just about anything can come into the sphere of the State's interest, since pretty much everything that we do (since we all live in the State) involves some sort of exchange. I buy my books on amazon.com. I use the internet to talk to you guys. I use a telephone or the internet to arrange times/places to hang out with my friends. You get the idea. Since each of us lives in the State and our lives find expression there, then pretty much everything that we do involves it in some way.
Are we then to abolish the notion of the private good? The answer seems to be no. Even though our lives do find expression in the State, nonetheless, there is at least some aspect of our lives which it is not the business of the State to regulate. Though in the State, it is nonetheless somehow "separate" from the State, and this is rightly termed "the private good."
And voluntary enterprises seem to fall under this private sphere. Whether I choose to get married or not, whether I choose to marry this woman or that woman, whether I choose to pursue this line of education or that one, whether I pursue this career or that one. You get the idea.
And, generally speaking, private property seems to fall under this sphere too. Whether I choose to buy a house or not, whether I will buy this house or that house, etc. And, once I buy the house, it seems to be really mine. Even though it exists in and as part of the State, the house belongs not to the State, but to me. The State really only has an interest in the house to the extent that the house has some relation to the rest of the State (for example, insofar as the house requires access to public utilities).
And this interest is an interest precisely insofar as something like taxation is concerned. Yes, the State may have other interests in the house, but these seem only to be in cases of emergency. If my house is in a state of disrepair and is threatening to collapse and damage the property of others...
But again, as I mentioned before to Bybee, this is a matter of necessity.
But more on this below.
There's a word for someone who holds forth on the law without a background or serious study. And the word isn't wise. :nono:
How about a semester of philosophy of law, a semester of Thomistic ethics (which including a portion of law) and a semester of natural law? Not to mention my background in Plato and (to a lesser extent) Aristotle.
No. That "therefore" covered a lot of ground without argument or understanding.
Actually, this "therefore" is the easiest and most straightforward "therefore" I've made in the entire thread. Basically, what I've done is this:
The notion of private property carries with it the notion of intrinsic right.
This (the owning of a business) is an instance of private property.
Therefore, it carries with it the notion of intrinsic right.
Think: All As are B's. x is A. Therefore, x is B.
I own a gun. I own the bullets in that gun. Therefore I am free to do with both what I will, by way of errant parallel
But this only exemplifies my point. Yes, the State can regulate whether or not you can buy this or that kind of gun, or even a gun at all, insofar as the possession and use of a firearm bears relation to other parts of the State. If private citizens had bazookas, this would pose a
public danger. And sure, when I buy the gun, this is a social exchange that the State can tax.
But granted that you own the gun, it seems as though the State really can't tell you what to do with it or how to use it: "You MUST go hunting every Saturday if you own a hunting rifle." This would be a clear violation of private liberty.
No. It says, I realize your intent is to sell. That's what a business does.
Yes: this is none of the State's business. My personal intentions and motivations should be completely outside of the scope of the State's considerations. The State should only ask the following questions: "Is an actual social exchange occurring? If so, then we must ensure that the exchange is fair and that it's fairly taxed (if applicable)." In other wods: "Does x point of the law apply? Is A intending to do something which falls under the scope of the law?"
But when it comes to private matters, it's none of the State's business what I am or am not intending to do. It's only the State's business that I am intending to sell in this or that case, and then only to make sure that the sale is fair and fairly taxed. But it's none of the State's business
why I am selling.
Perhaps I am intending to sell to the general population to make a livelihood.
Perhaps I am intending to sell only to a segment of the population.
Perhaps I am running a business for some other reason. For example, perhaps I own a kind of coffee shop that caters exclusively to philosophers, and only philosophers whom I've personally invited can buy my products. The idea, of course, that I talk philosophy with other philosophers all day over coffee.
Again, this is none of the State's business. What should matter to the State is the following: I own the coffee shop and everything in it. They are mine. I can do with them as I please. The State has a genuine interest only insofar as I sell
this cup of coffee to
that man.
Beyond that, the State should keep its nose out of it.
Your specific intent to deny access to your product to a particular segment of society that you can't stand for personal reasons is unjustifiable discriminatory practice.
Again, private property/private enterprise. It's
none of the State's business what my motivations are for dispensing
with my own things.
You're conflating the purely personal with the business.
There's absolutely no difference.
But a business open to the public isn't an exercise of that and again, you're conflating the personal right with the business principle.
"Open to the public" is a personal motivation/personal intention which does not fall under genuine State interest. The State oversteps its rightful boundaries when it starts taking this sort of thing into consideration.
Again, study the reality of separate but equal. The government was involved in that too. It's a tool to exploit and deprive and runs contrary to the founding principles of our republic and its law.
There was more involved in separate but equal than just private businesses denying business to black people. As far as I'm aware, there were separate schools, separate public facilities. The latter, of course, is an injustice on the part of the state (qua common good). But the former falls under private right.
Yes, we are. Again, look at the practical impact of what you're advocating. The minorities who suffered under it were absolutely deprived of the life they should have been as free to pursue as you or I, but for the failure of the law to protect them from that exclusion and its impact and the malicious ignorance of those who excluded them.
If I own a deli and don't serve black people, I am not denying a black person the right to pursue a sandwich. He can make his own sandwich or build his own deli. Had I not opened a deli, he wouldn't have been able to buy from me. Assuming that I open a deli, he still can't.
He hasn't been harmed. At all.