Less so since they held human beings to be something without right, but all I need is one stupendous error to make the point.It's been quite a while since the Court ruled that men were chattel.
Not asking you to, only noting that we aren't necessarily dealing with more than fiat and bias.Not so long on these issues. But, fair enough. We'll set aside the Supreme Court's considered opinions for the sake of argument, as long as we're clear what we're doing.
That was my undestanding from Con. Law.Our compact states that we won't use the government to establish religion.
Maybe some mean to. Maybe the nature of the state prohibition makes it hard to see it otherwise, but on the larger point of the necessity of that narrowed a gate and outcome I differ.Some Oklahoman Christians have broken that covenant in what seem to me to be strikingly clear terms.
I wonder if Oklahomans who would actually desire it could muster numbers sufficient to do anything about it. I tend to doubt it. I mean, most Muslims here don't even want to impose Sharia law.The suspicion was not aimed at all Christians, or even all Christians in Oklahoma, but rather the sort of Christian that advocates for Christian supremacy to the extent that they seek to remake Oklahoma as a religious state.
It isn't a construct any more than noting Rotarians is one. I think the acts of a few toward the fringe are coloring too much of what is reasonable here.Beyond that, what concerns me here, is the attempt to construct "a people" from a subset of the people of the United States, i.e. Christians.
Where I'd say that's not happening, that part of my objection here is to what seems to me a gross rule and response on the part of those outside of the Christian or Jewish faiths to a thing that neither establishes either nor threatens their own peace.This seems synthetic, as the United States has never within its lifetime been partitioned in terms of religion, and in a political context, it's worrying to find ones self on the outside of the box being drawn around a body politic.
Very, very few, which I suspect is why so many purely Christian rites and practices existed so easily beside the state and why, for instance, a public display of the nativity failed to bring any outcry or be seen as a violation of establishment. In fact, those scenes went unopposed for generations, until groups whose freedoms were by no stretch of the imagination threatened found sufficient numbers to raise a cry.When the United States was born, it had a Christian majority, true (as well as many unjustly excluded for reasons of race and sex), but also people of other faiths and none as full citizens.
Now history is no argument in and of itself and I wouldn't offer it as one, but I can and will and do offer it as evidence that despite many public monuments and yearly observances not only were the freedoms of those outside the Christian faith protected, their power expanded. Yet now a monument shared by two and one whose values overwhelmingly represented the foundational truth of what arguably became the greatest and freest of institutions and a cornerstone of law...now this stone is a threat.
Stuff and nonsense.
To fail to note that it has been, over the history of the nation, the will and sacrifice of Christians that empowers the notion of equality before the law would be to make its history less than accurate.To imagine that it is Christian beneficence that permits the equality of others is to deem others as less than full citizens.
The trick in that is the inclusion of secularists, which then brings most Christians into the camp. Now we could and did have a country almost entirely because of Christians (such were and to a lesser extent are their numbers) but secularism makes the division a bit odd.You wouldn't have a country without secularists,and Quakers, and deists, and perhaps even the stray atheist, just as they wouldn't have a country without you.
Easily, first by rejecting your premise of "negligible historical significance" (not even the Court you leaned on agrees with you on the point) and then by making a series of objections and observations made prior and to a lesser extent above.So, all that having been said, how can you possibly justify the posting of a monument with, what seems to be negligible historical significance and what appears to me to be a clear religious message and purpose on Constitutional grounds?
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