In a devastating blow to Pennsylvania republicans, the Supreme Court let stand a decision by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court that partisan Gerrymandering is in violation of the state Constitution. Even worse for the republicans, they stubbornly refused to produce a legal redistricting map, so the court had an impartial agency produce a politically-neutral map.
Last few elections, the House of Representatives would have been dominated by democrats, if districts were neutrally-drawn.
Wisconsin is next:
The Wisconsin voters who brought the case challenged the plan under the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution and, in late 2016, won at trial — the first time in over three decades that a map has been struck down as a partisan gerrymander. The lower court ruled that the plan was “an aggressive partisan gerrymander” that locked in a Republican majority in the state assembly under “any likely electoral scenario.”
If the Supreme Court agrees to hear the case (it would be argued this fall), it will be the first time the high court has considered the constitutionality of partisan gerrymandering in more than a decade. The case could have major implications for redistricting because, thus far, the Supreme Court has not been able to agree on a standard for deciding when a map goes too far. The Wisconsin case could at last give it that opportunity.
Gerrymandering comes in many varieties, but the kind of gerrymandering that took place this decade in Wisconsin (and a handful of other states) is among the worst. This kind of aggressive gerrymandering doesn’t just pre-determine electoral results, but also locks in a disproportionate and unfair advantage for one party over the other — making maps unresponsive to voters in individual districts and deeply unrepresentative of the electorate as a whole.
https://www.brennancenter.org/blog/5-things-know-about-wisconsin-partisan-gerrymandering-case
The plaintiffs have already won in Wisconsin. Republicans have appealed to the US Supreme Court, but their decision in the case of Pennsylvania suggests that the justices aren't inclined to protect redistricting that acts against the will of the voters.
Last few elections, the House of Representatives would have been dominated by democrats, if districts were neutrally-drawn.
Wisconsin is next:
The Wisconsin voters who brought the case challenged the plan under the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution and, in late 2016, won at trial — the first time in over three decades that a map has been struck down as a partisan gerrymander. The lower court ruled that the plan was “an aggressive partisan gerrymander” that locked in a Republican majority in the state assembly under “any likely electoral scenario.”
If the Supreme Court agrees to hear the case (it would be argued this fall), it will be the first time the high court has considered the constitutionality of partisan gerrymandering in more than a decade. The case could have major implications for redistricting because, thus far, the Supreme Court has not been able to agree on a standard for deciding when a map goes too far. The Wisconsin case could at last give it that opportunity.
Gerrymandering comes in many varieties, but the kind of gerrymandering that took place this decade in Wisconsin (and a handful of other states) is among the worst. This kind of aggressive gerrymandering doesn’t just pre-determine electoral results, but also locks in a disproportionate and unfair advantage for one party over the other — making maps unresponsive to voters in individual districts and deeply unrepresentative of the electorate as a whole.
https://www.brennancenter.org/blog/5-things-know-about-wisconsin-partisan-gerrymandering-case
The plaintiffs have already won in Wisconsin. Republicans have appealed to the US Supreme Court, but their decision in the case of Pennsylvania suggests that the justices aren't inclined to protect redistricting that acts against the will of the voters.